Month: September 2024

NEW DELHI: Monsoon on Monday started withdrawing from some parts of West Rajasthan and Kutch, marking the beginning of its retreat from the country, against its normal date of withdrawal on Sept 17, the India Meteorological Department (IMD) said.
“The line of withdrawal of southwest monsoon passes through Anupgarh, Bikaner, Jodhpur, Bhuj and Dwarka,” said the Met department, underlining that the conditions are favourable for its further withdrawal from some more parts of west Rajasthan and adjoining areas of Punjab, Haryana and Gujarat during the next 24 hours.
The late withdrawal of the monsoon this year is the 14th consecutive delayed retreat of the seasonal rains. Last year, the withdrawal started on Sept 25. The monsoon season technically ends on Sept 30, but the withdrawal process continues till October 15.
As predicted by the IMD, the overall four-month monsoon season (June-Sept) is expected to end with ‘above normal’ rainfall. It means the monsoon is expected to be in the category of 105-110% of the long period average (LPA). The cumulative (June 1-Sept 23) rainfall as on Monday recorded over 5% more than the ‘normal’ rainfall of the period, even as the first month of the season (June) recorded 11% deficit.
The monsoon onset over Kerala and most parts of northeast happened this year simultaneously on May 30 against its normal date of June 1 and June 5 respectively, and covered the entire country by July 2 – six days before its normal date (July 8) of covering the entire India.
Normally, monsoon covers the entire India in 38 days (June 1-July 8). It covered the entire country this year in 34 days despite its sluggish progress in June. It was the third consecutive year when the monsoon covered the entire country by July 2.
Besides farming activities, water and hydro-power management also depends on the timing of onset, duration of coverage and withdrawal of the monsoon. Backed by ‘above normal’ rainfall, the acreage of Kharif (summer sown) crops in the country has already exceeded the normal (average of last five years) acreage of the sowing season with the sown area under paddy, coarse cereals, oilseeds and sugarcane reporting higher coverage signalling good output in the 2024-25 crop year.
Sowing data, released by the agriculture ministry on Monday, shows that the overall sown area as on last Friday stand at around 1105 lakh hectares which was 8 lakh hectares more than the ‘normal’ acreage and 16 lakh hectares (1.5%) more than the overall acreage of Kharif crops during the corresponding period last year.

BHUBANESWAR: In the wake of the alleged custodial violence against an Army captain and his fiancée, Odisha govt on Monday asked police to adopt a tough stance against perpetrators of crimes targeting women.
“Our govt is committed to deal with crime against women with an iron hand. The chief minister has asked the police to accord top priority to investigations involving violence against women,” law minister Prithiviraj Harichandan said.
Chief secretary Manoj Ahuja held a discussion with DGP Y B Khurania, ADG (crime branch) Arun Bothra, ADG (headquarter) R K Sharma and IG (crime against women and children wing) S Shyni on Monday, underscoring the importance of women-friendly policing and expedited investigation of cases involving violence against women.
The crime against women & children wing was established in 2021, as a separate unit under the state crime branch, to investigate offences against women & children that specifically include prevention of trafficking, sexual offences, domestic violence and children in the juvenile justice system.
Ahuja’s meeting with DGP and other senior IPS officers came minutes after CM Mohan Majhi met the Army officer, his fiancée and ex-servicemen, assuring them time-bound justice in the case.
On Sunday night, the govt ordered a judicial probe into the Sept 15 Bharatpur police station case by retired judge of Orissa high court Justice Chitta Ranjan Das. The commission was requested to submit the report in 60 days. Govt also requested the HC to monitor the crime branch investigation into the incident.
Cases of crime against women went down by 25% in Odisha in 2022 compared to 2021, according to National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data. While 31,352 crimes against women were reported in the state in 2021, it came down to 23,648 in 2022, data revealed. According to a white paper of the state govt, rape cases went down to 2,826 in 2023 compared to 3,184 in 2022.
Women activists said many victims still hesitate to lodge complaints. “Under-reporting of crime against women is a concern. While police at some places scare away complainants, there are also instances of women refusing to approach the police out of fear of social stigma and revenge by the accused,” said Santosini Swain, a social activist.

Kanpur’s unique blend of tradition and modernity makes it an ideal destination for discussions on Uttar Pradesh’s growth trajectory. In the fifth edition of TOI Dialogues in Kanpur, industry leaders, experts, and policymakers came together to decode how the city plays a pivotal role in the state’s progress and contributes to India’s growth story.
The panel featured prominent guests, including Sudeep Goenka, Director of Goldiee Masale; Manoj Gupta, Chairman of MKU Ltd.and Chairman of the CII Uttar Pradesh Infrastructure Committee; Maneesh Mansingka, Director of Singer India Limited and JK Urbanspaces; Dr Sanjay Kumar Singh, Professor of Business Environment at IIM Lucknow; and Mayur Maheshwari, CEO of Uttar Pradesh State Industrial Development Corporation (UPSIDC).

Kanpur: A city of economic potential

Sudeep Goenka, Director of Goldiee Masale, addressed the need for workforce retention in Kanpur. He began by reflecting on the city’s economic allure: “Kanpur is a city that people want to settle in. If you want to earn money and build a life, it’s an ideal place.” He then highlighted the issue of brain drain, stressing the need for skill development initiatives to reverse the trend.
“Today, India has the youngest population in the world, yet we are seeing a brain drain from Kanpur,” Goenka said. “If we can open training centres and promote skill development within the city, we can reverse this trend and retain talent.”
Goenka also noted the vast potential in the MSME sector, stating, “Currently, over 5,000 MSMEs are registered in Kanpur, and while 8% of startups in India are from Uttar Pradesh, only 1% come from Kanpur. If we develop incubation centres, we can foster new startups and retain local talent.” He further added, “Entrepreneurship runs in Kanpur’s blood. If we get the right ecosystem, we don’t need anything else.”

Connectivity and strategic location

Manoj Gupta, Chairman of MKU Ltd. and the CII Uttar Pradesh Infrastructure Committee, spoke about Kanpur’s strategic location and its connectivity advantages. “Kanpur is naturally well-placed, with the GT Road and expressways passing through the city,” Gupta stated. He emphasised the importance of waterways in bolstering the city’s trade and transport capabilities.
“Kanpur is situated along the banks of the Ganges, and we must utilise this natural asset. Waterways are critical, especially since Kanpur is a landlocked city,” Gupta said, urging policymakers to prioritise the development of waterways. “If we can expand waterways and integrate them with other infrastructure, connecting Kanpur with regions like Meerut, it will provide a significant boost to the city’s trade potential.”
Gupta also mentioned the advantages of Kanpur’s location in the broader context of Uttar Pradesh’s development, pointing out the potential of the city as a hub for rail and road connectivity across the region.

Building infrastructure and employment

Maneesh Mansingka, Director of Singer India Limited and JK Urbanspaces, spoke about the importance of infrastructure development to facilitate economic growth. Responding to a question about how Kanpur can utilise its workforce, he pointed to recent government initiatives. “Kanpur was among the top five cities in the 1960s in terms of tax revenue,” he said. “There’s a possibility to rejuvenate the city and bring back industries like engineering, IT, garment exports, and even new sectors with the upcoming defence corridor.”
Mansingka identified a critical challenge: “There’s a chicken-and-egg problem—industries will come if employment is available, and employment will rise if industries invest here. To attract industries, we need infrastructure—high-grade offices, residential developments, and hotels. Look at cities like Mumbai, Jaipur, or even international examples like London and Singapore.”
He suggested that poorly utilised land in and around Kanpur could be redeveloped for mixed-use projects, drawing inspiration from successful models in Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and West Bengal. “By focusing on these underutilised areas, we can stimulate growth and create employment opportunities,” Mansingka added.

Reviving Kanpur’s legacy industries

Dr Sanjay Kumar Singh, Professor of Business Environment at IIM Lucknow, offered insights into how Kanpur can maintain long-term, sustainable growth. “Kanpur’s history and legacy are its greatest assets, particularly in leather and textiles,” he said. “The city accounts for 20% of India’s leather production, and there’s huge potential to revive the textile industry, especially by focusing on designer products.”

Dr Singh pointed out that Kanpur’s neighbouring competitor, Bangladesh, has outpaced it in textile manufacturing despite current turmoil. “If we focus on innovation and incubation, especially leveraging IIT Kanpur’s expertise, we can regain that edge,” he said. He also stressed the importance of infrastructure, particularly the role of expressways and industrial corridors in reducing logistics costs. “Once these corridors are fully developed, the disadvantage of being a landlocked city will diminish, and Kanpur could become a major industrial hub.”
Singh suggested that if the government designates Kanpur as a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), it could provide a further boost to industries and attract investment from both domestic and international players.

Government support for Kanpur’s industrial growth

Mayur Maheshwari, CEO of UPSIDC, discussed the government’s role in supporting Kanpur’s industrial development. “The government is working in new ways, focusing on decentralisation and creating unified platforms where departments are interconnected,” he said. “For example, when the Dedicated Freight Corridor was being developed, we simultaneously planned a logistics park alongside it, which will facilitate the movement of goods.”
Maheshwari emphasised the importance of the Lucknow-Kanpur industrial corridor, calling it the largest such corridor in the region. “The upcoming Lucknow Expressway will further enhance connectivity and boost economic activity between the two cities,” he said.
In addition, Maheshwari revealed the government’s plans to develop an express rail line between Lucknow and Kanpur, designed to accelerate trade and economic growth. “We’re also exploring partnerships with IIT Kanpur to develop the city as a hub for electric vehicles (EVs),” he added, pointing to the potential for Kanpur to emerge as a leader in the EV industry.

With the Maharashtra assembly polls around the corner, the question of Vidarbha’s statehood could once again come into play, particularly if the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) finds itself on the losing side, feels Shreehari Aney. A staunch advocate for Vidarbha’s statehood, the former advocate general of Maharashtra believes the upcoming elections may reignite the demand for a separate state.
However, he also warns that political realities make the movement a hard sell for any party.In an exclusive interview, Aney delves into the complex history of Vidarbha’s statehood movement, its near successes, and why it has failed to materialise despite being one of India’s oldest statehood demands.
Vidarbha statehood movement has been ongoing for decades without any success. What are your thoughts…
The Vidarbha statehood movement hasn’t failed in the traditional sense, it has just suffered setbacks. There have been moments when statehood was almost within reach. One of those moments was during the leadership of Jambuwantrao Dhote, who was a strong advocate of Vidarbha. Back in the 1970s, 14 MLAs and two MPs were elected to the Maharashtra Assembly on the statehood platform. Dhote had the ear of then prime minister Indira Gandhi, and it seemed like Vidarbha was closer than ever to becoming a reality. But after Indira’s assassination, the momentum died down. Dhote lost the people’s backing over time, and the movement slowly fizzled out.
The second time Vidarbha came close to statehood was during Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure. Ministers like Vasantrao Sathe and NKP Salve — both from Vidarbha — were instrumental in pushing the issue. Rajiv Gandhi seemed open to the idea, but again, it lost steam due to lack of sustained pressure and the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991. In both instances, we were missing something critical — a leader like K Chandrashekhar Rao, who spearheaded the Telangana movement with unwavering determination. Vidarbha never had that kind of leadership continuity, which is why we’ve struggled.
You led a revival of the statehood movement in 2013-14. What happened during that phase? Why didn’t it succeed?
That was a crucial time. When we revived the Vidarbha statehood movement in 2013-14, BJP was in the opposition, and many of its top leaders supported our cause. People like Nitin Gadkari, Devendra Fadnavis, and Sudhir Mungantiwar were vocal in their support. Congress was in power, and BJP capitalised on that, saying they would push for statehood once they were in power. Fadnavis and Mungantiwar even participated in protests, and Gadkari gave us a written assurance that he would raise the issue in Parliament as soon as BJP assumed power. However, when the BJP came into power at both the state and national levels, the issue was sidelined. This wasn’t entirely unexpected, but it was disappointing. We had even attempted to float a separate party, Vidarbha Rajya Aghadi (VIRAA), and contest the assembly elections, hoping we could get a few legislators elected who would raise the statehood issue in the Assembly. But electoral politics is an expensive exercise — running a campaign costs at least `6 crore, and we didn’t have the financial resources to make it work. Eventually, the movement lost momentum again.
At 75, you’ve distanced yourself from leading the movement. Why did you make this decision?
I’ve always seen myself more as an academician, an ideologue than a political leader. My contribution to the movement has always been through ideas and legal frameworks, not as a leader standing on a platform rallying people. At my age, I simply don’t have the energy I had when I first joined the movement in my mid-40s. Besides, statehood is ultimately a political decision. It requires backing from a national party like BJP or Congress, as they are the ones who can pass a resolution in Parliament. Without the support of a political giant, there’s no realistic way to achieve statehood. Unfortunately, we’ve had to rely on political parties that have bigger priorities and agendas than Vidarbha’s statehood.
You’ve advocated for development boards for Vidarbha. How effectively have they worked so far?
Development boards were formed to address a very real problem — the diversion of funds meant for backward regions like Vidarbha and Marathwada to western Maharashtra. These boards were supposed to focus on critical issues like the irrigation backlog. For years, Vidarbha’s agricultural development was hampered because funds were being diverted elsewhere. The backlog was huge, and the boards were tasked with calculating it and ensuring funds were properly allocated. However, the boards had limited power and jurisdiction. While they did highlight some of the disparities in fund allocation, they didn’t have the teeth to enforce significant changes. The result was that they didn’t serve their intended purpose effectively.
What is the most compelling argument for Vidarbha’s youth to take up the cause of statehood?
For today’s youth, the argument for statehood must go beyond vague promises of job creation. Many young people will rightly ask, “If nothing changed when we had influential leaders from Vidarbha in power, what difference would statehood make?” That’s a valid question. Therefore, every argument for statehood needs to be well-rounded, addressing not just economic development but also regional identity, cultural preservation, and governance. If the movement is to gain traction among the youth, it needs to be grounded. We can’t rely on empty promises of a better future. The argument needs to address the specific concerns of today’s generation, like unemployment, economic disparity, and access to resources. At the same time, we need to remind people that Vidarbha’s rich history and cultural identity are worth preserving.
Do you think Vidarbha is ready for a revolution similar to Telangana?
Vidarbha doesn’t need the kind of revolution we saw in Telangana. Our circumstances are different. Telangana’s movement was fuelled by a history of armed revolts and extreme sacrifices, which is not the case in Vidarbha. We don’t need to take an aggressive, confrontational approach. Instead, the movement needs to be strategic, focusing on building regional pride and addressing the unique challenges we face. Vidarbha has always been resource-rich, which has been both a blessing and a curse. While we’ve had enough to sustain ourselves, it has also made us complacent at times. What we need now is a multi-layered approach — one that appeals to our distinct regional identity while also addressing the economic realities of the region.